The Eternal Tango between Punjab and Delhi: A Perspective explores the long, uneasy dance of power, mistrust, and identity that defines the Punjab–Delhi relationship. From Panjab University’s administrative restructuring to deep-rooted federal tensions, this essay traces how history, broken promises, and political insecurities have kept Punjab and the Centre locked in an unending struggle for autonomy and respect.
New Flashpoint Rekindles an Old Conflict
The latest flashpoint, the notification by Center for restructuring of Panjab University Administration/ Senate, has once again dragged into the spotlight the complex federal relationship between Punjab and Delhi. For many, the very word ‘federal’ now feels like an anathema.
“The core question remains: Why does this eternal tango, where partners step on toes and hard squeezes at the waist, result in a very uncomfortable performance?”
This isn’t just about modern policy; the knots are deeply historical. Punjab’s free spirit, its unique identity, and its vital geographical location clash perpetually with Delhi’s overbearing tones and its drive to forge a consolidated, monolithic unit-one that leaves little room for genuine federalism. What we witness is a repeating tale of broken promises, deep-seated fears, and grievances that never heal.
Punjab Haunted by Its Own System
Marriage on Trial: The Changing Meaning of Commitment
Punjab’s Tradition of Defiance
This friction between Punjab and the center is an eternal fight. Delhi has always seen Punjab through two competing lenses: a vital security asset, a frontline province that must be strictly controlled, and a potentially rebellious entity that can never be fully trusted. At times, the capital is contemptuous, denying Punjab significance; at others, it is endearing, taking it as a vital cog in national and food security, yet always demanding strict control.
This unyielding spirit of Punjab can be traced back to Porus and later in folk heroes like Dulla Bhatti, the 16th-century rebel who defied Mughal Emperor Akbar’s taxes to protect the poor. Bhatti’s resistance, sung in Lohri songs, embodies the core Punjabi ethos of challenging rulers. The spirit remains alive to this day and further formulates the narrative.
The issue of inherent conflict became far more complex with the introduction of the Sikh faith. Born out of spiritual truth, the Sikh movement evolved into a political and military force (Khalsa), standing up to the oppressive Mughal state. Coupled with the inputs from segments which took this new development as challenge to their sway further deepened Delhi’s suspicion and amplified Punjab’s fears, ensuring the relationship could never be smooth.
The conflict was finally formalized in the 19th century by the poet Shah Mohammad, who framed the Anglo-Sikh wars as a battle between two separate powers. Shah Mohammad’s line is chillingly clear:
“Jang Hind Punjab de hon lagi, dono badshai faujan bharian ne”
(The war between Punjab and Hindustan has begun; both sides have mobilized massive forces).
This line demonstrates that Punjab has long perceived the center—whether Mughal or British—as an opposing force and later, modern Delhi, a challenge, in spite of the affinity with India.
Reality of Hostile Decisions
The core question remains: Why is it that the center government has always worked against the interests of Punjab? Does it have any historical perspective? Is it just a perception or is it a reality?
For Punjab, this is not merely a feeling; it is a reality based on consistent decisions, a documented pattern of central discrimination against Punjab.
Historical Context: Partiality Before 1947
Even before 1947, the British showed clear partiality against Punjab. In the 1920s–1930s, they diverted Sutlej water to the princely state of Bikaner (now Rajasthan)—a political favor for wartime help. Initially declining, then agreeing as a form of payout—that deliberately flouted riparian norms, without any benefit to Punjab.
This set a terrible precedent of central power overriding Punjab’s natural rights. As independence approached, Sikh leaders, including Baba Kharak Singh and Master Tara Singh, secured solemn but ultimately unkept promises from national leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru regarding Sikh safeguards—autonomy, and later, when these promises were invoked, Nehru famously dismissed the pleas by stating that the times had changed.
These promises were immediately evaporated by the Radcliffe Line’s dividing stroke, followed by the unparalleled carnage and murder of humanity and the severance of holy sites. This founding trauma confirmed Punjab’s deepest fears: the center would prioritize political expediency over Punjabi interests, even in moments of existential crisis.
Injustices Since 1947
The following are just some of the injustices, documented and perceived slights, territorial erosion, and discrimination since independence:
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Unparalleled carnage and displacement resulted from the 1947 Partition, unmatched in other regions.
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Unkept pre-Partition autonomy promises made by leaders (Gandhi, Nehru, Mountbatten) to Sikh leaders (Tara Singh, Kharak Singh).
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The deliberate stalling of the Punjabi Suba movement followed by the mass arrests of Akali workers.
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No recognition of the proportion of Sikh contribution to the cause of Independence.
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The carving out of Haryana and Himachal Pradesh (1966) based on questionable, non-contiguous linguistic grounds.
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Chandigarh was commandeered from Punjab and designated as a Union Territory, denying Punjab its rightful capital which was built on the land after sacrificing the existence of Punjab villages.
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The construction and control of Bhakra-Nangal and other dams, directed by Delhi, diverted a major part of river resources southward.
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The continued, legally contested pressure for the SYL Canal, which violates established riparian rights for Punjab. (Justification that Haryana was part of Punjab hence Riparian Rights not reciprocated with Punjab’s right over Yamuna waters.)
Injustice continues…
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The arbitrary decision by the Central Government to distribute surplus Ravi-Beas waters, later codified in the agreement.
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Failure to create adequate economic “bust buffers” for Punjab after the Green Revolution ended.
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JK – Himachal receiving special industrial indulgence and tax holidays while Punjab was consistently passed over for investment (1980s–present).
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The dismissal of the 1973 Anandpur Sahib Resolution, which merely asked for greater federal autonomy, as “secessionist.”
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Widespread use of President’s Rule and the mass jailing of Political workers during the agitations.
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The 1984 Operation Blue Star attack on the holiest Sikh shrine.
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Granting impunity to perpetrators of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots (3,000+ Sikhs murdered).
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Enforced disappearances and custodial killings during the counter-insurgency period (1980s–1990s).
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Interference in the unified management of religious bodies by creating splinter organizations (DSGMC/HSGMC).
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Haryana adopted Tamil as its second language (1969) to expressly rebuff and deny status to the Punjabi language.
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Attempts to amalgamate the Sikh identity and the curriculum in school texts.
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Labelling protesting farmers as “Khalistani” during the 2020–2021 farm law protests.
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Constant ministerial mocks and online campaigns that tag all forms of Punjabi dissent as “terror.”
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Then not allowing the release of movies like Punjab 95 while giving free runs to Kashmir and Kerala Files.
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Accusing Punjab for Delhi’s pollution, misrepresenting and not giving the correct facts.
These issues have big effect on the psyche and further fuels the fire.
Strategy of Fear and Cultural Erosion
These are just some of the injustices documented in Punjab’s history since 1947—a list of slights that explains the present-day skepticism toward Delhi.
The latest strategies deployed by the center only deepen this mistrust. Recent extensive floods and river control measures, particularly regarding the management of headworks and reservoir releases, have been perceived as yet another instance where central control over riparian assets has inflicted direct, catastrophic harm upon Punjabi villages and farmlands. Coupled with physical harm, there is the relentless psychological warfare waged through social media and insensitive statements emerging from Delhi.
Any form of Punjabi dissent, whether political, social, or economic (such as the massive farmer protests), is instantaneously and aggressively targeted, with participants being labeled as “Khalistani” or “terrorist”. This strategy—where dissent is delegitimized by equating it with separatism—seizes on legitimate grievances and paints the entire Punjabi community’s fight for federal rights as a national security threat.
Furthermore, as has been observed in past, the Centre’s willingness to use the narrative of instability in Punjab as an election tool to solidify its base in the rest of India treats a serious federal issue as mere political fodder, further cementing the historical narrative of Punjab as a permanently untrustworthy and rebellious state.
Foundation of Mistrust
Fundamentally, Delhi’s consistent overreach is rooted in a deep-seated political suspicion: that any sustained demand for greater federalism is merely a veiled, slippery slope towards secession. The central government often appears trapped in a zero-sum game, viewing Punjab not as a partner whose constitutional rights must be respected, but as a critical border state whose autonomy must be continually curtailed to guarantee national security.
This enduring perspective is the foundational block upon which Delhi’s strategy is built. This discomfort is further compounded by Khalistani activities undertaken by certain sections of the diaspora in foreign lands, which Delhi views as external validation of its internal security fears and the justification for its tactics used internally. While Punjab fears cultural invasion.
Two Faces of Power: Internal Division and Complicity
This external tension with the Centre has always been complicated by an internal division within Punjab’s political establishment. Historically, one section of the state’s leadership has consistently stood as the vanguard, fighting Delhi on principles of federalism, riparian rights, and territorial integrity, often facing repression and political marginalization for their staunch opposition.
Conversely, another section has always been hobnobbing with Delhi for personal or short-term gains, readily compromising on core state issues—such as river water rights or the status of Chandigarh—in exchange for power, financial packages, or political positions. This pattern of internal complicity ensures that Delhi rarely faces a united front, allowing central governments to exploit these fissures, weaken the state’s negotiating position, and sustain the narrative of hostility without genuine resistance from all quarters of the Punjabi elite.
The collaboration further poisons the public discourse, as the public struggles to discern genuine advocacy from self-serving opportunism.
Way Forward: Building Trust and True Federalism
The path out of this perpetual conflict requires nothing less than a fundamental shift in posture from both sides. For decades, the relationship has been defined by transactional politics and hostility, with true, heart-to-heart talks never materializing. Delhi must move beyond its paranoia and policies which are perceived as damaging towards the state, recognizing that the only durable solution is one built on genuine federal trust.
This means actively working to allay Punjab’s historical fears and adhering strictly to the true spirit of the Constitution, which guarantees robust autonomy to states. On Punjab’s part, the political class must forge a united front. The successive State governments have failed to safeguard the interests of the State is a common perception now and it gives space to radical elements. The cynical pattern where parties forget core state issues when in power and vigorously rake them up when out of power must end.
Only honest, sincere, and consistent leadership that transcends self-interest can effectively counter central overreach and move the public discourse from one of constant strife to one that is positive and productive for the people of Punjab.
